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My 1Malaysia

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What is ‘1Malaysia’?

Is it ‘Bangsa Malaysia’? ‘Malaysian Malaysia’? Unity in diversity? National unity? Upholding the status quo? Moving away from affirmative action? Ensure no race is marginalized whilst practising affirmative action? Assimilation? Integration?

By now, everyone should have heard of the slogan introduced by Mr. Najib Razak, in his very first speech as prime minister. Yet, the actual definition of the concept has thus far been ambiguous. It would seem that the meaning of the concept differs depending on who one talks to.

For example, Utusan Malaysia recently provided its take on the definition. According to the Malay broadsheet, ‘1Malaysia ‘ is a concept in which no ethnicity will be marginalized yet at the same time affirmative action in favour of the Malays will still be continued. Utusan even cautioned certain quarters that have used the ‘1Malaysia’ concept to ask for a revision into what is considered to be our ‘official history’ as narrated by the textbooks that our schoolchildren use. According to Awang Selamat, the psuedonym used by the editors of Utusan, ‘he’ is ‘disturbed’ (terganggu) that the discussion on 1Malaysia has encroached even into our history books.

Following up on this editorial on ‘1Malaysia’, Utusan sought the views of certain Malay leaders on the concept. Independent MP (and President of the Malay ethno-nationalist group PERKASA) warned that should 1Malaysia be equated with ‘Malaysian Malaysia’ (introduced by the DAP), PERKASA would not hesitate to ‘oppose’ them (menentang). “This is not Singapore,” said the outspoken politician.

The discourse on ‘1Malaysia’ in the English dailies are markedly different. The concept is equated with unity, of Malaysians finding strength in diversity, of being multi-racial yet Malaysian at the same time. For example, Dr. Denison Jayasooria was quoted in the Star as saying that 1Malaysia “…gives a clearer picture of unity in diversity, taking a pluralistic and integrationist approach. If the idea is unpacked in practical dimensions, we might be able to really see major changes in the future.” Certainly a far cry from the discussion in Utusan Malaysia.

Thus it would seem that everyone has their own opinion on what is ‘1Malaysia’.

Such diverse definitions on the concept may be good for discussions, yet it would be a difficult goal to achieve collectively for the simple fact that the very definition of that ‘goal’ differs depending on the person. But for argument’s sake, allow me to share with you what 1Malaysia means to me.

To me, ‘1Malaysia’ is nation-building through national unity. I am not in favour of assimilation into one ‘Malaysian culture’, akin to Indonesia, as I believe that such assimilation would be superficial and would encounter strong resistance. No, the unity in Malaysia must be one achieved because of and in spite of our diversity.

The ‘1Malaysia’ concept must ensure that we achieve true national unity. It must not be superficial. We cannot claim to have achieved unity merely because there are no major ethnic riot since 1969. Our society is still fractured along racial, religious and social lines, despite illusions created to convey the contrary. Look around us, to what level is our interactions with ‘the others’? Lunch during work? Complimentary visits during festive seasons? The occasional futsal matches? Are these instances proof that we are united as Malaysians?

No, quite the contrary, there is still a deep undercurrent of suspicion and frustration simmering just below the discernable surface of our society. The Malays resent their Chinese countrymen for the latter’s supposed economic superiority. The Chinese resent the discrimination in favour of the Malays. The Indians and the East Malaysians resent the marginalization upon them perpetrated by the other larger and more powerful ethnic communities.

‘1Malaysia’ must aim to slowly eradicate such divisive feelings. To me, there must be two major changes that must be made before we can achieve this aim. First would be the abandonment of race-based politics. Second would be the formulation of a more equitable economic policy.

Discarding racial politics would be difficult, especially because the three major component parties within the ruling coalition are race-based. It does seem that the formula would continue for some time since there are those who still believe that only a representative from their community would be able to safeguard that community’s interest. This notion has now been challenged with the advent of the experimental political platform introduced by Pakatan Rakyat. The mult-racial message brought by the year-old coalition is slowly being accepted by more and more Malaysians. At the same time, there is also heavy resistance and opposition from certain ethno-centric quarters who fear the lost of the status quo should Pakatan Rakyat’s ‘ketuanan rakyat be allowed to grow. But if to achieve true national unity, race must no longer be a factor in politics.

Once racial politics are relegated to the annals of history, the country must then formulate an economic policy that is more acceptable in today’s scenario. It is very difficult to argue that the New Economic Policy (NEP) does not need a thorough re-examination. The policy is creaking under decades of corruption and abuse, its original aim being lost in the forest of political patronage and lack of proper implementation. Yes, affirmative action and government assistance still has a role to play, but it must not be entirely race-based. Instead, it would be a mixture of race-based affirmative action and means-based government assistance. Race-based affirmative action must still be carried out in certain industries such as construction, where there is a clear imbalance and monopoly in raw materials. But in terms of education for example, the provision of government assistance based on race should be replaced with a mean-based method to ensure that deserving Malaysians are given the opportunity to pursue an education.

I believe that once these two major changes are carried out, we will be closer to achieving true national unity. There are no politicians who will play the race card and flare up sectarian emotions and with a more acceptable economic policy, the resentment between the races will be minimized.

Only then can we hope to achieve true national unity, in line with what I believe ‘1Malaysia’ should be.

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A new low for Datukships

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Sometimes a decision is so irrational and so ridiculous that no amount of explanation can ever justify it.

Take, for example, the decision to raise fuel prices in June. Or the decision to arrest the Shin Chew reporter last month, ‘for her protection’.

Yesterday, when I opened up the Star and read this, I was stunned.

The Malacca government, in its infinite wisdom, has decided to grant Bollywood superstar Mr. Shah Rukh Khan a Datukship.

As expected, it received a lot of negative response from Malaysians. And rightly so. Regardless of how big a superstar Mr. Khan is, what has he ever done for Malacca? Or for the country for that matter. Does he even know where or what Malacca is? The significance of the bandar bersejarah? Hang Tuah, A. Famosa, 1511, Parameswara?

Do we actually think that Mr. Khan will be proudly parading his title? That in international events, people are going to introduce him as Datuk Shah Rukh Khan?

Does he even know what a Datukship is?

Today, Malacaa Chief Minister (and Deputy PM hopeful) Mr. Ali Rustam has defended the state’s decision to award the Datukship. According to him, Mr. Khan’s award was suggested by former finance minister Mr. Daim Zainuddin for the actor’s decision to shot his movie One Two Ka Four some years ago. According to Mr. Ali, the ‘exposure’ that the film gave Malacca resulted in an increase of tourism in the country. Of course, this is a statement which can never be justified; I don’t suppose the Chief Minister can provide us with the data on the co-relation between tourism in Malaysia and Mr. Khan’s movie. And he doesn’t have to; no one is going to ask him. After all, he might be the second highest leader in Malaysia one day (if he wins the deputy president post, of course).

Looking back, I remembered some people questioning the award to Datuk Nicol David when she was conferred the title by the Penang government. Some argue that she’s too young, although everyone agrees that’s she’s probably our most dominating sportsperson ever. She’s like the Tiger Woods of Squash, or the Roger Federer or something.

More people questioned the award to Datuk Lee Chong Wei some months ago, also by Penang, when he brought home a silver. I remembered reading an article in Utusan Malaysia criticizing the Penang government (a Pakatan state, remember) for the award, saying that sports is politicized and that Mr. Chong Wei ‘only’ won a silver medal. Of course, no such criticism can be found of this facade by Mr. Ali Rustam in Utusan Malaysia.

And whatever it is, Mr. Chong Wei and Ms. Nicol are Malaysians who have contributed to the country. Mr. Khan?

For a long time, the Datukship has lost its prestige. What used to be an honour to be given to deserving Malaysians is now virtually meaningless.

With ‘Datuk’ Shah Rukh Khan, it has reached a new low.

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